Colgate-Palmolive plans to defend DEI criteria for board selection, letter shows

#WeToldYouSo: Vote on NLPC’s Colgate Proposal Exposes Corporate America’s DEI Deception

Colgate to Defend DEI Criteria for Board Seats as Goldman, Amex Retreat

Uber and Citi Cut ‘Anti-Racist’ From Corporate Vocabulary – More than a dozen US companies changed DEI-related language Following DEI Backlash

Your Company’s Charity List May Have a Political Screen Built in

Millions of workers in America donate to charities through giving portals set up by their employers, confident that a full range of legitimate nonprofits is just a few clicks away. But this trust, unfortunately, is often misplaced. Many companies turn to third-party platforms such as Benevity, Bonterra and Groundswell to operate their charitable-giving programs. Benevity is the largest of these, processing billions of dollars in donations annually. Though it does not publish a full list of its clients, research by my organization, 1792 Exchange, has identified more than 200 Fortune 1000 companies with Benevity portals, representing millions of employees. Part of the appeal of these services is that experts have done the vetting work. So employees who use them to make donations reasonably assume that if a charity is excluded, it failed some objective test of legal compliance, financial transparency or organizational integrity. In the case of Benevity, however, that assumption is often incorrect. And the problem is not that companies outsource the work of vetting nonprofits to Benevity. The problem is in the process used to decide which organizations to include and which to leave out. The full article can be found in The Washington Post.

Carbon Measures: Measuring the Wrong Bottom Line

Carbon Measures represents a global coalition of businesses establishing a carbon emissions framework for company value chains which, ultimately, informs and restructures a business’s policies regarding emissions. The carbon accounting “framework” is no more than an extension of ESG integration into business practices, which puts business missional priority on the back burner while putting strain on suppliers. The coalition ultimately aims to influence policy: product-level carbon intensity standards that would “create markets in which businesses are rewarded for investing in low-carbon production.”  That should concern businesses. Businesses are limited on resources: time and attention being absolute essentials for any business. When carbon becomes the primary measure, the business’ central mission automatically takes a back seat. Companies no longer fight for the quality of product that customers seek. When a customer comes to a business to purchase a product, they receive an abstract ideology purchased alongside a worthless product. Competition now lies in the order of the regulator. Specifically, to this coalition, “innovation, competition, and the power of the market” are vague empty platitudes, lacking in any specific details, for any sensible businessman to know that businesses are not built on whims or maybes. 

The Companies That Left HRC’s Index Are Still Sponsoring Gender Ideology

Several major corporations that publicly stepped back from DEI programs and the Human Rights Campaign’s Corporate Equality Index may not have retreated as far as headlines suggested. A new Blaze Media report, drawing on 1792 Exchange’s tracking, finds that Ford, Molson Coors, Target, and T-Mobile continued to bankroll LGBT activist events in 2026 even after signaling reform. The piece uses 1792 Exchange’s work on corporate DEI commitments, CEI participation, and ideological nonbusiness activities to show the gap between what these companies announced and what they still fund. Each of the four had signaled a change: Ford (2024) and Molson Coors (2024) said they would exit the CEI, and Target (2025) and T-Mobile (2025) announced they were ending DEI initiatives and index participation. Yet in 2026, Target was listed as a platinum sponsor of NYC Pride — whose youth programming included a rally “to demand protections for trans and queer youth” — along with Pride events in Los Angeles, Houston, San Francisco, Salt Lake City, and New Jersey. Molson Coors, through its Vizzy brand, sponsored Pride events in Miami Beach, Denver, and New Jersey; T-Mobile backed Pride events in Phoenix, Des Moines, and Philadelphia. Children appear to have been present at …